Yemeni Forces Release 26-min Footage from al-Jawf Battles

By Al Mayadeen English

15 Sep 2026 19:04

Yemen’s Military Media released footage from a wide-scale military operation in al-Jawf, showing their advance through the province, the targeting of enemy concentrations, and the capture of Saudi-backed forces.

The Yemeni Military Media released footage of strikes against concentrations of Saudi-backed forces and their military vehicles east of al-Jawf, alongside the advance of Yemeni Armed Forces' vanguards through the governorate, across its mountainous and desert terrain.

The footage shows the vanguards outflanking Saudi-backed forces in al-Jawf and direct engagement from point-blank range, before the Saudi forces retreated under sustained fire. 

Saudi warplanes were seen intervening for aerial support, but "mistakenly bombed its own forces" on the ground, the Yemeni statement said. 

The footage also showed the Yemeni Armed Forces capturing Saudi-backed personnel, as well as the destruction of dozens of enemy military vehicles. Armored vehicles and equipment were also seized during the battle in al-Jawf. 

In numbers: Al-Jawf gains 

Meanwhile, a military source told Al-Masirah that the losses among Saudi-backed forces on the Al-Jawf front over the past four days have reached approximately 275 killed, wounded, or captured.

The source said 85 military and armored vehicles belonging to the Saudi-backed forces were destroyed or disabled during the clashes.

It added that seven enemy drones of various types were shot down during the confrontations.

Saudi Arabia Cancels Crude Shipments to European Customers

By Al Mayadeen English

15 Sep 2026 19:56

Saudi Arabia cancels some crude oil shipments to European customers amid disruptions to its East-West pipeline and shipping routes.

Saudi Arabia has informed its European customers of the cancellation of some crude oil shipments scheduled for loading in late September, Reuters reported citing three informed sources.

The world's largest crude oil exporter closed its East-West pipeline following a strike targeting it last week, and faces challenges from the Yemeni Armed Forces' advance in Yemen in the Red Sea area and continued shipping disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz.

Earlier, a Yemeni military source told al-Masirah TV that the Yemeni Armed Forces had carried out a targeted operation against Saudi troop concentrations, buildups, and reinforcements in the al-Jawf desert, north of the al-Kanais area.

The source said the operation followed sustained monitoring of Saudi forces and affiliated armed groups along the border and desert fronts, and that the strikes achieved direct hits after the targeted formations' movements had been tracked and intelligence reconnaissance completed.

YAF continues to monitor, strike Saudi mobilizations

According to the source, several members of the Saudi-backed forces were killed or wounded, and several military vehicles and equipment were destroyed or disabled at the targeted positions.

The source added that the desert region had seen extensive Saudi troop movements and repeated attempts to establish new military positions, but that continued field surveillance, precision strikes, and preemptive operations had disrupted "the enemy's" plans and inflicted successive losses in personnel and equipment.

Over the past 24 hours, Saudi warplanes carried out 54 attacks against Yemen, launching F-15 and Typhoon jets from the Khamis Mushait and Taif bases to hit Taiz, Lahj, al-Jawf, Marib, and Hajjah provinces.

Escalation timeline

The developments come as Yemeni forces engage Saudi-backed forces across several governorates after launching preemptive strikes against their military buildups, while Saudi Arabia has carried out attacks on Marib, al-Jawf, Taiz, and Hodeidah.

Earlier Monday, the Yemeni Armed Forces struck King Khalid Air Base in Khamis Mushait using dozens of ballistic missiles and drones, targeting aircraft hangars, radars, runways, and ammunition depots. YAF spokesperson Brigadier General Yahya Saree said the operation came in response to more than 300 Saudi airstrikes launched over the previous five days from the Khamis Mushait and Taif air bases, and warned that the armed forces would continue operations inside Saudi Arabia "as long as its unjust aggression against our people continues."

Last week, Yemeni forces completed their takeover of the Bab al-Mandab Strait, captured Mayyun Island, and advanced into Dhubab district.

The Yemeni Armed Forces have maintained the equation of "blockade for blockade and escalation for escalation" in response to the Saudi aggression and the years-long blockade imposed on the country.

CENTCOM Hosts Secret Israeli-Arab Military Meeting on Iran, Yemen

By Al Mayadeen English

Source: Axios

15 Sep 2026 23:06

According to a source familiar with the discussions, Saudi Arabia and the Israeli occupation are examining, with CENTCOM's assistance, ways in which "Israel" could support Saudi military operations against Yemen.

Senior military commanders from the United States, the Israeli occupation, and several Arab states reportedly held a secret meeting in Germany last week to discuss the ongoing war on Iran and deepen regional military coordination, including possible Israeli support for Saudi operations against Yemen, Axios reported on Tuesday.

Citing two Israeli officials, the outlet said the gathering was organized by US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper and attended by the military chiefs of staff of the Israeli occupation, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Jordan, and Egypt.

The meeting was not publicly announced by any of the participating governments and marked the first such gathering since the United States and "Israel" launched their war on Iran more than six months ago.

While similar meetings have taken place in previous years, the latest gathering was particularly notable for bringing together the Israeli military chief with senior commanders from Arab countries that do not maintain formal diplomatic relations with the occupation.

According to Axios, the meeting offered an opportunity for senior military officials from "Israel" and Arab Gulf states to exchange assessments on the war and discuss broader regional security arrangements under Washington's supervision.

“Israel” Begins Providing Saudi Arabia Intelligence on Yemen

The Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation, citing sources, reported that “Israel” is passing intelligence on Sanaa forces to Saudi Arabia after Riyadh requested assistance from the United States.

According to the report, Washington referred the Saudi request to “Israel,” which subsequently began providing Riyadh with intelligence gathered in Yemen.

Israeli Channel 15 separately quoted an Israeli security official confirming that intelligence assistance had begun, while dismissing Erdogan’s defense alliance with Saudi Arabia as “not worth the paper it was written on”.

US vows to maintain regional military presence

During the meeting, Cooper reportedly sought to reassure the participating commanders that the United States does not intend to withdraw its military forces from the region amid Iranian retaliations on US bases.

He also briefed the military chiefs on Washington's plans to expand ship traffic through the Strait of Hormuz.

The report did not provide further details regarding the measures Washington intends to take to increase maritime traffic through the strait.

The Israeli occupation's Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, meanwhile, reportedly briefed the participants on Israeli military operations across several regional fronts.

CENTCOM later confirmed that the gathering had taken place, describing it as a "scheduled conference" involving senior military leaders from eight countries.

"The leaders discussed opportunities for enhancing security cooperation in the Middle East," CENTCOM said, without publicly disclosing details of the discussions.

CENTCOM deepens Israeli-Arab military coordination

The meeting sheds further light on the regional military architecture Washington has been developing around the Israeli occupation regime since the signing of the so-called "Abraham Accords" in 2020.

Shortly after the normalization agreements between "Israel", the UAE, and Bahrain were signed, Washington transferred the Israeli occupation from the area of responsibility of US European Command to that of CENTCOM.

The move placed the Israeli military within the same US command structure overseeing Arab militaries across West Asia, facilitating direct coordination in areas such as air and missile defense, intelligence sharing, and military planning.

According to Axios, cooperation between the Israeli occupation and several Arab states has accelerated significantly during the war on Iran.

The report said "Israel" has worked closely with both the United States and the UAE on defensive and offensive military operations.

Israeli occupation forces reportedly deployed the Iron Dome air defense system to the UAE, along with personnel tasked with operating it, while also providing Abu Dhabi with real-time intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance support.

Intelligence sharing between the Israeli occupation and other Arab countries has also expanded during the confrontation, according to Israeli officials cited by Axios.

The growing cooperation comes despite the absence of official diplomatic relations between "Israel" and several of the states represented at the Germany meeting, indicating that military coordination under the CENTCOM umbrella has advanced beyond publicly declared normalization arrangements.

Saudi Arabia, 'Israel' discuss cooperation against Yemen

One of the most significant elements of the meeting concerned Yemen, where Sanaa has intensified military pressure against Saudi Arabia while consolidating its control over strategic areas surrounding the Bab al-Mandeb Strait.

According to a source familiar with the discussions, Saudi Arabia and the Israeli occupation are examining, with CENTCOM's assistance, ways in which "Israel" could support Saudi military operations against Yemen.

The discussions reportedly include the possibility of providing Riyadh with Israeli intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance assistance modeled on the support already extended to the UAE.

Such cooperation would represent a further expansion of undeclared Israeli-Saudi military ties at a time when Riyadh has yet to establish formal diplomatic relations with the occupation.

Axios said the discussions have gained importance as Ansar Allah escalates its military operations against Saudi Arabia and makes advances on the ground, while strengthening its influence over the Bab al-Mandeb Strait.

The strategic passage connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and represents one of the world's most important maritime trade routes.

UN Says It’s Too Early to Say Ebola in DR Congo Has Peaked

Stephanie Soucheray

Ebola Viral Hemorrhagic Fever

European Commission DG ECHO/Flickr CC

On social media posts in the past 24 hours, some government officials from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) have said there are signs the nation’s fast-moving Ebola outbreak has peaked and transmission is slowing, but United Nations (UN) officials urge caution in expressing optimism just yet. 

Daily fatalities linked to the Ebola outbreak, caused by the Bundibugyo strain, has fallen from a peak of around 50 deaths per day to nearly 30 currently, said the Minister of Public Health, Roger Kamba, in a video posted X.

“The daily number of new infections is also declining: we have gone from about 120 cases per day at the epidemic's peak to nearly 80 today. For me, these figures represent a positive signal. They show that the efforts deployed on the ground are producing results and that our response strategy is beginning to bend the transmission curve,” said Kamba, who also noted 10 of the 62 affected health zones have recorded no new cases for more than 22 days.

The United Nations (UN) however, is more cautious in its assessment of the outbreak, which officially began on May 15 but likely started weeks earlier in the area around Bunia, DRC. So far there have been 7,258 confirmed cases and 3,510 deaths across seven provinces.

Officials from both the UN and World Health Organization, which is a UN agency, told reporters today it’s too early to determine if transmission has peaked or had a meaningful slowdown. 

There ‌are some areas of progress, but nonetheless, in other areas, we continue to see growth in cases.

"It remains a deadly and a massive epidemic. There ‌are some areas of progress, but nonetheless, in other areas, we continue to see growth in cases," Julien Harneis, MBA, the UN special Ebola coordinator, said at a Geneva press briefing, according to Reuters.

The WHO’s Olivier le Polain, MD, PhD, said: "It's too early to confidently say we have passed a peak."

While cases have dropped off in Ituri province, transmission in North Kivu is still happening at an alarming pace, with most new cases still occurring outside of known transmission chains. 

Cases outpacing West Africa’s 2014-16 outbreak

The current outbreak is the largest in the DRC’s history, and second in size only to the West African Ebola outbreak in 2014 through 2016.  Research published today in Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report says the first 100 days in DRC show an outbreak that’s expanding faster than any previously documented Ebola outbreak.

In the first 100 days after initial detection, there were seven times more Ebola cases in the DRC than in the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa. 

During the outbreak’s first 100 days (May 14 to August 21, 2026), 5,458 confirmed cases and 2,606 deaths (48% case-fatality rate [CFR]) were reported across 57 of DRC’s 519 health zones, compared to 759 suspected, probable, or confirmed cases and 467 deaths (62% CFR) reported from Guinea, Liberia, and Sierra Leone in 2014.

“This outbreak is occurring in areas affected by a protracted complex humanitarian emergency, including ongoing conflict involving armed groups, limited health care and other basic infrastructure, attacks on health workers, and community mistrust,” said the report, written by scientists from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 

Latin American Migrants Deported by ICE to West Africa Describe Being Stranded "on the Other Side of the World"

By Camilo Montoya-Galvez

September 15, 2026 

8:09 AM EDT / CBS News

Monrovia, Liberia — None of the deported men and women placed in a three-story hotel in a remote, coastal area of this West African country are Liberian citizens. Many are not even from Africa.

Instead, they hail from countries throughout Latin America — including Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras and Venezuela — as well as other African countries, like Cameroon and Eritrea.

They were deported to Liberia, Africa's oldest republic, last month by U.S. immigration officials as part of an intensifying tactic in President Trump's aggressive crackdown on illegal immigration: sending some deportees to far-flung places where they have no ties.

CBS News tracked down the deportees in Liberia, becoming the first U.S. television network to speak to them in person. They described being in limbo and feeling stateless, unable to return to the U.S., where many have spouses and children, and scared of being persecuted if they go back to their homelands.

"I'm concerned," Honduran native Elvis Rodriguez Venturas told CBS News. "I feel far away, on the other side of the world."

Rodriguez Venturas said his four children, two of whom are U.S. citizens, ask him every day when he's coming back to Texas, where he worked in construction. His wife is also in the U.S. Rodriguez Venturas entered the U.S. illegally, but his deportation to Honduras was barred by an immigration judge who found he could be harmed there. He said he had been using that protection to work in the U.S. legally before his detention.

In fact, most of the deportees who agreed to be interviewed won legal protections in American immigration courts, preventing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement from deporting them to their home countries because of concerns they could be persecuted or tortured there.

But under the Trump administration's zero-tolerance posture to illegal immigration, those with such cases are being targeted for deportation to third countries, as they still lack a valid permanent immigration status, despite their limited legal protections.

The deportees said they were not notified by ICE that they would be removed to Liberia, or given the chance to challenge their deportation to West Africa.

"Honestly, I had never heard of Liberia," Colombian immigrant Arin Garcia Yepes told CBS News.

"I didn't even know it existed," said Rodriguez Venturas, the Honduran deportee.

Brazilian immigrant Paola Ferreira Dos Santos, the only woman among the Latin American deportees in Liberia, said she only learned where she had been deported to when the deportation flight landed in Monrovia on Aug. 20.

"I was the first to get off the plane, and they said, 'Welcome to Liberia. You're in Africa,'" the 21-year-old told CBS News in Portuguese.

While Trump administration officials often say their deportation blitz is primarily focused on hardened criminals they call the "worst of the worst," CBS News obtained the names of those sent to Liberia last month, and could not find a criminal charge or conviction for the vast majority, beyond immigration violations like entering the U.S. illegally. 

In a statement to CBS News, the Department of Homeland Security said those in the U.S. illegally could opt to self-deport and receive a $3,000 stipend the administration has been offering.

"The Trump Administration is utilizing all lawful options to carry out the largest deportation operation in history, just as President Trump promised," the department added.

The State Department has repeatedly declined to provide detailed information on the "third-country" deportation deals, saying in a statement that it had "no comment on the details of our diplomatic communications with other governments." 

"I could be in danger"

Liberia is a relatively small country bordering the North Atlantic that is roughly the size of Tennessee and home to more than 5 million people. It was founded in the 19th century by freed American slaves. Its capital, Monrovia, is named after U.S. President James Monroe. 

In August, Liberia's government revealed it had agreed to receive up to 1,200 "third-country" deportees from the U.S., framing it as a humanitarian gesture. So far, it has only received one group of deportees under the agreement, the Aug. 20 flight that brought 15 non-Liberians to Liberia.

The West African country joined more than 30 nations around the globe that have now agreed to such "third-country" deportations under pressure from the Trump administration. Many of the agreements have been brokered with African countries, including those beset by armed conflict, political crises and widespread poverty, like the Central African Republic and South Sudan.

While the Liberian government has said the "third-country" deportees can claim asylum in Liberia, none of the ones interviewed by CBS News expressed interest in staying in the West African nation permanently, citing poverty, the different culture there and their lack of work visas.

Unlike some African countries, such as the small kingdom of Eswatini, Liberia is not detaining the deportees it receives from the U.S. While they've been told not to venture too far outside the hotel for their own safety, the deportees are technically free to leave. The United Nations' migration agency, the International Organization for Migration, has been providing the group with basic necessities.

But many still feel trapped. Some are contemplating returning to their home countries or hoping that another third country agrees to welcome them.

Venezuelan deportee Carlos Tellez Sanchez, who was selling cars and delivering food in the Dallas area before he was detained by ICE late last year, said he's stuck for now in Africa. His wife and their American-born baby remain in Texas.

"Returning to Venezuela is not an option for me," he said. "I feel I could be in danger if I return to my home country."

Haitham Moussa, Jane Greeley and Sam Brolan contributed reporting.

Ebola Disease Outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

On 14 September 2026, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) reported a total of 7 258 confirmed cases, including 3 510 related deaths (from data up until 13 September).  A total of 905 patients are hospitalised in isolation. This represents an increase of 58 new confirmed cases and 35 deaths since the previous report on 13 September (reporting data up until 12 September). The 58 new cases have been reported from Ituri (44 cases), North Kivu (12 cases), and Haut Uélé (two cases). Among the individuals who tested positive for Bundibugyo virus, 1 726 have recovered. In total, 78.6 % of identified case contacts are under follow-up in the affected provinces. 

Ituri province remains the most affected, with 5 659 cases, including 2 583 deaths, reported from 28 of 36 health zones. In North Kivu, 1 281 cases, including 797 deaths, have been reported from 16 of 34 health zones. In South Kivu, three cases, including one death, have been reported from one of 34 health zones. In Haut-Uélé, 281 cases, including 115 deaths, have been reported from six of 13 health zones. In Tshopo, 28 cases, including 10 deaths, have been reported from seven of 23 health zones. In Bas-Uélé, five cases, including three deaths, have been reported from three of 11 health zones. In Sud Ubangi, one case and one death have been reported from one of 16 health zones. Overall, 62 of 167 health zones are currently affected across the seven provinces.

Data reported by DRC on confirmed cases and deaths are under continuous review and harmonisation. 

In Uganda, a total of 20 cases were reported between May and June 2026 by the Ministry of Health. On 25 August, WHO declared the end of the outbreak following 42 days without a new confirmed case being reported.

In May 2026, there was an imported case in a US citizen who was medically evacuated to Germany for treatment, and on 24 June 2026 a further imported case was reported in France by the Ministry of Health. Both cases were imported from areas affected by the ongoing outbreak in DRC. On 10 July 2026, the US CDC reported that a US citizen working for a humanitarian organisation in DRC had tested positive for Bundibugyo virus. The patient was medically evacuated to Germany on 13 July 2026. 

The risk of importation into the EU/EEA from the outbreak area remains very low, according to ECDC modelling calculations. While sporadic importations cannot be excluded, the probability of multiple independent importations is very low, even in a pessimistic scenario in which incidence continues to rise in the affected regions. These results are consistent with ECDC’s June report.

ECDC’s modelling focuses on the general population of the Ituri and North Kivu provinces in DRC and does not take into account healthcare workers and other professionals returning from the affected region. These groups have a substantially greater risk of exposure, while simultaneously they are subject to infection control measures and monitoring protocols. As a result, the probability of infection and of travel may differ considerably to the general population. 

The risk of importation depends on outbreak size, travel behaviour, and travel volume. Due to limited information, assumptions are made on all three factors based on the best available information. 

A weekly update on this outbreak is available in the Communicable disease threats report.

Geneva Talks Put Rwanda-DRC Peace Deal to the Test

The talks come amid continued fighting and disputes over the implementation of key security commitments.

The Geneva talks will test whether Rwanda and the DRC can make progress on key security commitments under their US-backed peace deal as fighting continues in the eastern DRC [Hugh Kinsella Cunningham/Getty Images]

By Layth Mushtaq

15 Sep 2026

Officials from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Rwanda are due to reconvene in Geneva on September 16 and 17 for talks on the implementation of the 2025 Washington Accords.

The two-day meeting of the Joint Security Coordination Mechanism (JSCM) will bring together representatives of the two countries, with mediators from the United States, Qatar, Togo and the African Union Commission. The mechanism was established to monitor and coordinate the implementation of security commitments between the two countries.

The meeting comes as fighting continues in the eastern DRC and key commitments under the peace process remain unresolved.

The peace agreement between the DRC and Rwanda was signed in Washington, DC on June 27, 2025. The Washington Accords for Peace and Prosperity, signed on December 4, reaffirmed the parties’ commitment to implementing that agreement.

Among the key security commitments are the DRC’s obligation to neutralise the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and Rwanda’s disengagement of forces and lifting of defensive measures.

What is at stake?

The September talks will focus on whether the two sides can make further progress on those commitments.

The agreement is part of a wider diplomatic effort to end decades of conflict in the eastern DRC, a region bordering Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi that has been plagued by armed groups and repeated fighting.

The conflict has repeatedly drawn neighbouring countries into the eastern DRC. Rwanda has long said armed groups operating from DRC territory pose a threat to its security, while the Congolese government has accused Kigali of supporting armed groups seeking to seize territory and influence in the east.

“The Washington Accords reaffirm the parties’ commitment to implement the Peace Agreement between the DRC and Rwanda, agreed to in Washington, June 2025, and achieve the vision of the Regional Economic Integration Framework, to create a bold roadmap for peace, security, and unprecedented economic growth,” a US Department of State spokesperson said.

But fighting has continued.

A September forecast by Security Council Report said clashes between the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) and the M23 armed group had continued in North and South Kivu, two provinces in the eastern DRC. It also said two central obligations under the Washington process, the neutralisation of the FDLR and Rwanda’s lifting of defensive measures, had yet to be declared complete.

Rwanda has repeatedly accused the DRC of supporting, arming and working alongside the FDLR.

The FDLR has its roots in forces and militias that fled Rwanda after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. Some of its members were linked to the former Rwandan army and the Interahamwe militia. The group has remained active in the eastern DRC and has long been a central security concern for Rwanda.

Kinshasa, meanwhile, has accused Rwanda of supporting M23, allegations Kigali denies.

M23 first emerged as a major armed movement in 2012. After withdrawing from territory it controlled, it resurfaced in 2022 and launched a new offensive in the eastern DRC.

The group made major territorial gains in 2025, including the capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, and Bukavu, the capital of neighbouring South Kivu.

Although M23 is not a party to the Washington agreement, it remains central to efforts to end the wider conflict.

The US-backed process requires Rwanda and the DRC to support a separate Qatar-led dialogue between Kinshasa and M23. That process produced the Doha Framework for Peace, signed by the Congolese government and the Congo River Alliance (AFC/M23) in Doha on November 15, 2025.

Where things stand

The September meeting follows the sixth JSCM meeting, held in Geneva on August 12 and 13.

At that meeting, the DRC and Rwanda agreed to advance two initiatives aimed at strengthening monitoring and verification of the Washington Accords on the ground. They asked the US to consider the initiatives and provide feedback at the next JSCM meeting.

The DRC also presented its Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) plan for the FDLR and responded to questions from JSCM members.

The parties also agreed to hold a trilateral planning conference in October that will culminate in a revised operations order guiding their coordinated efforts.

The FDLR dispute

The neutralisation of the FDLR is expected to remain one of the most difficult issues.

On July 28, the Congolese government said a faction of the FDLR had accepted and signed a protocol covering disarmament, demobilisation and cantonment. Kinshasa presented the move as progress towards meeting its obligations under the Washington agreement.

Rwanda rejected the move, arguing that the Washington agreement requires the FDLR to be neutralised rather than negotiated with. Kigali has also accused Kinshasa of continuing to support the group.

The disagreement matters because progress on the FDLR is tied to Rwanda’s own commitments under the Washington process.

Rwanda has maintained that its security measures along the border with the DRC are necessary to protect the country from armed groups operating in the eastern DRC. Under the Washington agreement, Rwanda is expected to disengage its forces and lift those defensive measures as part of the wider security arrangements.

For the September meeting, the FDLR issue will remain a central point of contention as the two countries try to resolve the commitments that remain at the heart of their dispute.

DRC Eyes Jerusalem Embassy as Tshisekedi Seeks Israel's Support

The Democratic Republic of Congo plans to move its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem following talks between President Félix Tshisekedi and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in a rare diplomatic step that could also strengthen Kinshasa's ties with Washington and its access to military support.

04/09/2026 - 15:40

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu meets DRC President Félix Tshisekedi in Jerusalem on 1 September 2026. Following their talks, the two governments announced steps towards moving the DRC's embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem.

By RFI

The two governments said they would take steps towards “the relocation of the embassy of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem”.

No timetable has been given.

The move would place the DRC among a small group of countries that recognise Jerusalem as Israel's capital by locating their embassy there – an especially unusual position for an African state.

Previous agreement

The announcement should nevertheless be treated cautiously, said Jason Stearns, a specialist on the DRC and Great Lakes region who was interviewed by RFI.

“If you look very closely at the press release, they are in discussions about opening embassies,” he said. “I don’t think any timetable has been announced, and it’s phrased in a rather cautious manner.”

Tshisekedi and Netanyahu announced an almost identical agreement around three years ago, Stearns noted, but no embassy move followed.

“So I think we need to take a slightly nuanced view of what’s happening today,” he said.

Tshisekedi has long spoken warmly of Israel and has said his support is partly rooted in his Christian faith.

But the latest initiative also reflects Kinshasa's determination to strengthen its relationship with the United States as the Congolese government faces severe military pressure in the east of the country, Stearns said.

“Firstly, it strengthens his alliance with his primary ally, which is Washington – that is, Donald Trump – and it helps him present himself in this light to the Republicans in Washington,” he said.

Security cooperation

The Trump administration has increased pressure on Rwanda over its role in the conflict in eastern DRC, where Kigali is accused of backing the M23 armed group.

Tshisekedi's outreach to Israel could therefore serve several purposes at once, Stearns said.

“Particularly today, he is under military pressure from Rwanda and the M23, and we are aware of Israel’s capabilities in this regard,” he said. “So I think it’s also a way for him to forge new relations with a military power.”

Security and military cooperation were discussed during Tshisekedi's visit.

Potential areas of cooperation include intelligence, drones, personal protection and cybersecurity, Stearns said.

“There is support in terms of intelligence and drones. That’s mainly it,” he said, adding that there had also been reports – often difficult to verify – of Israeli security involvement in the DRC during the presidency of Joseph Kabila.

Tshisekedi may be particularly interested in outside expertise because of concerns over security within the Congolese state itself, Stearns said.

“He has arrested dozens of generals and hundreds of senior officers on suspicion of treason and corruption,” he said. “That alone may make it worthwhile to seek external support, such as from Israel.”

US shows ‘increasingly blatant’ bias over DRC peace deal, says Rwandan minister

A rare diplomatic move

Most countries that recognise Israel maintain their embassies in Tel Aviv, arguing that Jerusalem's final status should be settled as part of an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement.

Israel captured East Jerusalem from Jordan during the 1967 Six-Day War and later annexed it, declaring the city its undivided capital. Palestinians regard East Jerusalem as the capital of a future state.

Donald Trump broke with decades of US policy in 2018, during his first term as president, by moving the US embassy to Jerusalem.

Only a handful of countries have followed, including Guatemala, Honduras, Paraguay, Fiji and Papua New Guinea.

If carried out, the move would make the DRC the first UN-recognised African state to establish an embassy in Jerusalem. Somaliland, which is not a UN member state, opened an embassy there in June.

“Tshisekedi is amongst the few African leaders who are so close to Israel,” Stearns said.

Rwanda factor

The relationship is complicated by Israel's longstanding ties with Rwanda, which remains locked in a bitter confrontation with Kinshasa over the war in eastern DRC.

Israel does not necessarily see any contradiction in maintaining close relations with both countries, Stearns said.

“Israel is seeking to extend its influence across Africa in general,” he said. “For them, it’s simply a matter of seeking allies wherever they can, especially in this global context where there aren’t many countries that are particularly favourable towards Israel.”

For Kinshasa, closer ties with Israel could potentially offer another way to isolate Kigali.

Congolese officials may have raised Israel's relationship with Rwanda during this week's talks, Stearns suggested.

“If the Congolese were shrewd in the discussions, that should, I think, be one of the levers,” he said.

But the central objective of Tshisekedi's visit may lie beyond Israel itself, he argued.

“The primary objective, at least in my view, is to strengthen an alliance with Washington via Israel.”

Police Fire Tear Gas to Break Up DR Congo Protests Against Constitutional Changes

By JEAN-YVES KAMALE

4:21 PM EDT, September 15, 2026

KINSHASA, Congo (AP) — Police in Congo fired tear gas Tuesday to disperse hundreds of people demonstrating against constitutional changes they said could allow President Felix Tshisekedi to seek a third term in office.

The opposition coalition C64 organized demonstrations in the capital, Kinshasa, and several other cities, including Lubumbashi and Kindu in eastern Congo, despite restrictions on mass gatherings imposed due to the fast-spreading Ebola outbreak.

The protest in Kinshasa drew hundreds of people and began peacefully, but was dispersed by police with tear gas and warning shots after protesters clashed with pro-government supporters.

“The Congolese state is working with a political party militia,” said opposition leader Martin Fayulu. “God is great; I made it out alive. There was a massacre, and the police were firing at us.”

Congolese government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya condemned the opposition for disrupting activities by falsely claiming schools would be closed on Tuesday. “The right to protest is recognized in the Constitution, but it must be exercised properly,” he said.

Police also dispersed a June rally in Kinshasa that C64 organized against the constitutional changes. Several people, including Fayulu, were injured.

Congo is plagued by multiple crises, including an Ebola outbreak and an escalation of the decades-long conflict with the Rwanda-backed M23 rebels, one of more than 100 armed groups vying for control in the eastern provinces.

Tshisekedi, 62, has been in office since 2019 and is due to complete his second five-year term in 2028. He has said he would be willing to seek a third term if approved by voters in a referendum.

The Congolese Constitution bars any revision of presidential term limits. However, a bill under consideration in the National Assembly, a lower chamber, would allow the president to amend those provisions in the event of a “major dysfunction” that paralyzes state institutions, potentially following a referendum.

The country’s main opposition parties, which have been divided in recent years, joined forces in May under the banner of C64, or Coalition Article 64, to oppose what they describe as an attempt by Tshisekedi to remain in power. The coalition has called the proposed changes a “serious threat” to the country’s stability.

Hundreds Gather in Eastern DR Congo to Mourn Victims of School Fires

By JANVIER BARHAHIGA

1:32 AM EDT, September 15, 2026

BUKAVU, Congo (AP) — Hundreds of people gathered on Monday at a mass funeral in eastern Congo to mourn 27 young victims of a fire that engulfed two schools, as families wept and officials laid down wreaths and made speeches.

A fire swept through two adjacent schools last week in the city of Bukavu in eastern Congo, triggering a stampede as students tried to flee the building. At least 27 students were killed and dozens were injured, according to local authorities.

The fire Thursday started at a house before spreading to the two adjoining schools, local neighborhood administrator Moïse Lubala told The Associated Press. He said several students were trapped inside Furaha secondary school and some suffocated. The cause of the fire remains unknown, but the area is densely populated with wooden houses.

Medical staff were struggling to keep track of the exact number of injured because there were so many, he said.

Annunciat Kujirabwinja Zagabe came to the funeral Monday to say goodbye to her 13-year-old grandson, Tuonane Machara wa Kidogo.

“The last time I spoke to him, I urged him to study hard so that one day he could become like his teachers, and he was doing well at school,” she said barely holding back tears, as her voice broke down.

“That is why I am in such deep distress. I remember his journey through school up to the eighth grade without ever failing a single year, and now, he has died just like that, without even falling ill. He left home for school and simply died. It is horrific.”

Alice Ambika Musafiri, one of the teachers, wept uncontrollably as she recalled the fire.

Musafiri said she was haunted by children’s voices calling for help.

“Ma’am, I’m being trampled!” she remembered them crying.

“My child, I can’t reach you,” she yelled back. “Wait until I get the one I have now out first.”

But as much as she tried, some students were still suffocated by the crowd.

“My children, I had no way to save you. I lacked the strength; that is why I saved who I could,” she told the AP, while a friend held her so she wouldn’t fall down from the emotions. “Oh God, those voices are coming back to me. My children, my children — the suffering is unbearable.”

Since February 2025, Bukavu has been controlled by M23 rebels. Congo’s government struggles to exert control over the east of the country, where more than 100 armed groups are vying for control of trillions of dollars in mineral wealth that’s critical for much of the world’s technology.

Health services are under severe strain as the region grapples with the deadliest Ebola outbreak in history that has killed more than 3,300 people, with more than 6,800 confirmed cases recorded.

Corneille Nangaa, leader of the political-military coalition Alliance Fleuve Congo, or AFC, which includes M23, promised measures to protect school children from future fires.

“It is true that many things happen here on earth by God’s will, for we are all pilgrims here; yet, many things also stem from idleness and our own human errors,” he said at the funeral.

“As residents of Bukavu in particular — and of the DRC in general — let us resolve, starting today, to take a stand and make the decision to limit such damage through our own actions.”

IRGC: Supertanker Hits Mine After Entering Prohibited Hormuz Route

ByAl Mayadeen English

Iran says the Algaya supertanker struck a naval mine in the Strait of Hormuz after entering a prohibited passage, as Tehran maintains the waterway closure.

Iran's Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC) Navy announced on Monday that a supertanker struck mines in the Strait of Hormuz after it decided to travel via illegal routes. 

"The supertanker Algaya, IMO number 9325336, which was attempting to cross the prohibited zone south of the Strait of Hormuz, exploded after striking naval mines," the IRGC Navy said in a statement.

The IRGC Navy added that the tanker was set ablaze after hitting the mine, noting that "efforts to contain the fire have been unsuccessful, and the entire tanker is engulfed in flames."

It added that warnings had been repeatedly issued prior to the Algaya incident regarding the use of these illegal passageways. 

The IRGC Navy reiterated that the Strait of Hormuz remains closed and continues to be under the authority of the Islamic Republic. 

Iran conditions Hormuz travel

Iran has relayed to the United States that the Strait of Hormuz will continue to be closed until seven conditions approved by Tehran's top officials are met, Iran's Tasnim news agency reported on Saturday, citing an informed source.

“Until these seven conditions, which have been approved by Iran's top officials, are met, the Strait of Hormuz will remain closed,” the source told the outlet.

The war on Iran brought shipping through the key waterway to a virtual halt, leading to negative trends in the global energy market and contributing to higher fuel prices.

The current Hormuz crisis follows the outbreak of the war of aggression on Iran on February 28, when the United States and "Israel" began attacking Iran, prompting retaliatory Iranian strikes.

Yemen Resistance Forces Seize Hanish Islands Near Eritrea in Red Sea Advance

September 14, 2026

By Kulu Media 

Map showing the location of the Hanish Islands in the Red Sea between Yemen and Eritrea, north of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. Credit: Google Maps / Kulu Media illustration.

Houthis seize Hanish Islands near Eritrea as the Iran-aligned group expands its control across strategic positions in the southern Red Sea following its capture of Mocha and Perim Island.

Yemen’s Houthi forces captured Greater Hanish and Lesser Hanish on Monday, September 14, after hundreds of government-allied troops withdrew from the archipelago, according to an Associated Press report.

The development confirms Houthi control of islands whose status had remained uncertain during the group’s rapid advance toward the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

It also moves the expanding Yemen conflict closer to the maritime approaches off Eritrea, adding another security concern to an increasingly unstable Red Sea corridor.Join Diaspora Networks

Houthis Seize Hanish Islands After Forces Withdraw

Two Yemeni government officials and a Houthi official told AP that Houthi fighters deployed on Greater Hanish and Lesser Hanish after hundreds of government-allied forces withdrew.

The islands are approximately 160 kilometers north of Bab el-Mandeb and form part of a strategically important chain between Yemen and the Eritrean coast.

They had previously been controlled by the United Arab Emirates and its southern Yemeni allies. AP reported that the UAE dismantled its military infrastructure on the islands after its relations with Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni government deteriorated earlier this year.

Their capture extends the Houthis’ recent territorial gains beyond Yemen’s mainland Red Sea coast.

The group previously seized Mocha, a strategic port on Yemen’s western coast, before advancing south toward Bab el-Mandeb.

Hanish Capture Confirms Earlier Uncertain Reports

The status of the Hanish Islands had been unclear during the initial Houthi offensive.

When Houthi forces seized Perim Island inside Bab el-Mandeb, reports differed over whether the Hanish archipelago had also fallen.

Some reports indicated that the islands had been captured, while Yemeni military sources said more than 2,000 government troops were surrounded there and had been asked to surrender.

AP’s September 14 reporting now provides a clearer picture, with officials from both sides saying the Houthis deployed on Greater and Lesser Hanish after government-allied forces withdrew.

The development therefore represents another confirmed territorial gain in the Houthis’ rapidly expanding Red Sea offensive.

Strategic Islands Sit Across From Eritrea

The Hanish archipelago is particularly significant for the Horn of Africa because of its location between Yemen and Eritrea.

The islands sit north of Bab el-Mandeb along the southern Red Sea shipping corridor, placing them closer to Eritrea than the previously captured Perim Island.

Perim, also known as Mayun, lies directly inside Bab el-Mandeb between Yemen and Djibouti.

Together, the Houthi positions on Yemen’s western coastline, Perim and now the Hanish Islands significantly expand the group’s presence along waters facing the Horn of Africa.

Bab el-Mandeb connects the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden and forms part of the principal maritime route linking Asia and the Middle East with Europe through the Suez Canal.

The waterway has become even more strategically important amid disruption around the Strait of Hormuz.

Houthi Offensive Expands Across Yemen

The island seizures are part of a wider Houthi offensive that has pushed Yemen toward renewed large-scale civil war.

The group has advanced along the Red Sea coast while simultaneously conducting operations farther inland, particularly around Taiz.

According to AP, Yemen’s government Human Rights Ministry said around 150 civilians have been killed since September 3, while more than 200 others have been wounded.

More than 80,000 people have also been displaced during the renewed fighting.

The humanitarian consequences are already reaching the Horn of Africa, with thousands of Yemenis crossing the Red Sea toward Djibouti as fighting intensifies.

Saudi Arabia Seeks Support as Conflict Escalates

The expanding Houthi offensive is also increasing pressure on Saudi Arabia.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman met U.S. Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper in Jeddah on September 14 to discuss regional developments amid escalating Houthi attacks, according to Reuters.

The meeting followed an earlier Saudi request for U.S. military assistance against the Houthis.

Reuters reported that U.S. President Donald Trump did not agree to direct American strikes but Washington offered intelligence-sharing and targeting assistance to Riyadh.

The Houthis have meanwhile continued missile and drone attacks against Saudi targets, including oil and military infrastructure.

Red Sea Crisis Moves Closer to Horn of Africa

The fact that Houthis seize Hanish Islands adds a new Horn of Africa dimension to a conflict already threatening Bab el-Mandeb shipping.

For Eritrea, the latest territorial change is especially significant because the Hanish chain lies across the Red Sea from its coastline.

For Djibouti, Houthi control of Perim places the group directly across the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, while Somalia is already rethinking trade routes as regional maritime insecurity affects established shipping patterns.

Landlocked Ethiopia also has a major interest in uninterrupted Red Sea shipping because most of its maritime trade moves through neighboring Djibouti.

The Hanish capture does not by itself mean commercial navigation through the Red Sea has stopped. However, it gives the Houthis additional positions along a shipping corridor already facing heightened military and economic pressure.

Whether Saudi-backed Yemeni forces attempt to retake the islands, and whether the Houthis consolidate their new positions, will now be important for the security of the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.

 Somalia Rethinks Trade Routes as Bab el-Mandeb Crisis Disrupts Shipping

Somalia is rethinking established trade routes as Red Sea and Gulf security concerns push businesses toward alternative shipping connections.

September 14, 2026

By Kulu Media 

Somalia trade routes shift amid Bab el-Mandeb shipping crisisA container ship docks at Mogadishu Port, Somalia's main maritime gateway for imported goods. Credit: Anadolu Agency (AA)

Somalia trade routes are beginning to change as businesses seek alternatives to established shipping channels amid growing security concerns around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Strait of Hormuz.

Somali companies that traditionally import Asian goods through Gulf countries including the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Saudi Arabia are increasingly exploring more direct shipping connections, according to an Associated Press report published September 13.

The shift comes as the expanding conflict in Yemen increases uncertainty around Bab el-Mandeb, the strategic waterway connecting the Gulf of Aden with the Red Sea.

The development marks an economic consequence of a security crisis that has moved progressively closer to the Horn of Africa.

Somalia Tests Direct Import Routes

Mohamed Ali Nur, director general of Mogadishu Seaport, told AP that recent tensions around both Bab el-Mandeb and the Strait of Hormuz have negatively affected Somalia.

Businesses are consequently looking for alternative ways to bring goods into the country.

One significant example is sugar.

According to AP, Somalia recently received a shipment of sugar directly from Sri Lanka for the first time rather than bringing the commodity through the traditional Gulf trading route.

The change demonstrates how Somali importers are beginning to adjust supply chains in response to insecurity around two of the world’s most important maritime chokepoints.

For Somalia, which depends heavily on maritime imports, prolonged disruption or higher shipping costs could eventually affect businesses and consumers through increased transportation costs and longer delivery times.

Houthi Advance Raises Pressure Around Bab el-Mandeb

The trade shift follows a rapid expansion of Houthi-controlled territory along Yemen’s Red Sea coast.

Houthi forces seized Mocha on September 10 before advancing farther south toward Bab el-Mandeb.

The group subsequently reached Perim Island, also known as Mayun, which lies directly inside the strategic strait between Yemen and the Horn of Africa.

The territorial gains have significantly increased concerns about the security of the maritime corridor.

Bab el-Mandeb separates Yemen from Djibouti and Eritrea and provides the southern entrance to the Red Sea. Ships passing through it can continue north toward the Suez Canal, making the waterway a major trade connection between Asia, the Middle East and Europe.Geographic Reference

The strait has become even more strategically important as instability has simultaneously affected shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.

Crisis Spreads Across the Horn of Africa

The consequences of the Yemen escalation are increasingly extending beyond the battlefield.

More than 85,000 Yemenis have been displaced during the renewed fighting, according to AP, with more than 2,000 crossing the Red Sea to neighboring Djibouti.

Somalia’s decision to explore alternative trade routes represents another way the crisis is spreading into the Horn of Africa.

The effects are particularly important for Djibouti, Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia because of their proximity to the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden maritime system.Geographic Reference

Ethiopia is landlocked and relies heavily on Djibouti for access to international maritime trade, while Eritrea sits directly opposite Yemen along the Red Sea.

Somalia has an extensive coastline along the Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean and depends on maritime trade for many imported goods.

Somalia Trade Routes Could Face Higher Costs

The immediate impact on Somali consumers remains uncertain.

AP reported that shipping professionals are increasingly concerned about security risks and the possibility of higher transportation costs as vessels and traders adapt their operations.

Direct imports could help Somali businesses reduce dependence on Gulf transit points, but longer or more complicated shipping arrangements could also increase costs.

The situation will depend heavily on whether commercial vessels can continue moving safely through Bab el-Mandeb and whether the conflict around Yemen expands further.

Despite the growing security concerns, vessel movements through Bab el-Mandeb have not stopped. Reuters reported on September 14 that 24 commodity vessels crossed the strait on Saturday and 27 on Sunday, broadly in line with the recent 10-day average.

That suggests the current impact is better characterized as growing security and supply-chain pressure rather than a complete disruption of maritime traffic.

For Somalia, however, the first moves toward alternative import routes show that businesses are already preparing for the possibility of a more prolonged Red Sea crisis.

Eritrea Accuses UAE of ‘Port Imperialism,’ Warns of Regional Alignment

September 13, 2026

By Kulu

Eritrea accuses UAE of port imperialism as Foreign Minister Osman Saleh raises Red Sea concerns

File photo of Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh addressing the United Nations General Assembly in New York on September 23, 2024. Saleh has accused the UAE of pursuing “port imperialism” in Africa and raised concerns about growing strategic competition around the Red Sea and Horn of Africa. Credit: UN Photo.

Eritrea accuses UAE of port imperialism across Africa as Foreign Minister Osman Saleh raises concerns about Abu Dhabi’s expanding maritime presence and what Asmara views as growing strategic cooperation between the UAE, Israel and Ethiopia in the Horn of Africa.

Saleh made the comments in an exclusive interview with Middle East Eye published amid worsening regional tensions involving Eritrea, Ethiopia and the Red Sea.

The remarks add another dimension to rapidly deteriorating Ethiopia-Eritrea relations and come as disputes over Ethiopia’s ambitions for greater Red Sea access increasingly intersect with wider Gulf and Middle Eastern interests in the Horn of Africa.

“The UAE has port facilities everywhere in the region, and African countries have to ask why,” Saleh told Middle East Eye, questioning whether the investments were motivated solely by economics.

Eritrea Accuses UAE of Expanding Strategic Influence

The UAE has developed a significant commercial and strategic presence around the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and East African coastline through companies including DP World and AD Ports.

Their operations or investments extend to locations including Egypt, Tanzania, Somaliland and Puntland.

Saleh characterized the expansion as “port imperialism,” arguing that African countries should scrutinize the strategic objectives behind the UAE’s growing maritime network.

Eritrea’s relationship with the UAE has its own complicated history.

The UAE established a military facility at Eritrea’s southern port of Assab in 2016, which was used during the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen.

Middle East Eye reported that relations between Asmara and Abu Dhabi subsequently deteriorated.

“We didn’t want DP World [in Eritrea],” Saleh told the publication, adding that Eritrea did not want a foreign power operating a permanent “hub” in the country.

The UAE has denied having imperial ambitions in Africa.

Eritrean Official Claims UAE Proposed Dahlak Base

One of the most significant claims in the report concerns the strategically located Dahlak Archipelago in the Red Sea.Geographic Reference

A senior Eritrean official told Middle East Eye that around 2016, Eritrea rejected a UAE request to establish a military base on one of the Dahlak islands that would have been shared by the UAE and Israel.

The reported proposal would have come approximately five years before the UAE and Israel publicly normalized relations through the Abraham Accords.

Middle East Eye attributed the account to an unnamed senior Eritrean official. Kulu Media has not independently verified that such a proposal was made, and the report did not include confirmation from the UAE or Israel.

The Dahlak Archipelago lies off Eritrea’s Red Sea coast near important international shipping routes, giving the islands considerable strategic significance.

Eritrea Raises Concerns Over Israel, UAE and Ethiopia

Saleh also said Eritrea sees increasing convergence between the interests of Israel and the UAE in the Horn of Africa, particularly involving Ethiopia and Somaliland.

“The UAE and Israel have already converged on Somaliland,” Saleh told Middle East Eye.

According to the report, Eritrean officials believe a similar convergence is developing around Ethiopia.

The assessment comes as Addis Ababa continues to pursue greater access to the Red Sea, an issue that has become one of the most sensitive points in relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Ethiopia is landlocked and depends heavily on Djibouti for international maritime trade. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has repeatedly argued that sustainable access to the sea is strategically important for the country’s long-term economic development.

Eritrea, however, has strongly opposed any suggestion that Ethiopia could obtain sovereign access to Eritrean territory, while indicating that commercial arrangements could be discussed.

Tensions have intensified further as Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of destabilizing the Horn of Africa and supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces, allegations that Ethiopia has not publicly accepted.

Israel’s Role Draws Eritrean Scrutiny

Saleh also questioned Israel’s growing strategic interest in the Horn of Africa, particularly its relationship with Somaliland.

“We have to ask why Israel is running to control the Horn of Africa? Why do they need a base in Somaliland?” Saleh told Middle East Eye.

His comments represent Eritrea’s assessment of Israeli intentions and should not be interpreted as independently established evidence that Israel is seeking to control the region.Geographic Reference

Israel and Eritrea established diplomatic relations following Eritrean independence in 1993, but Saleh indicated that relations have since cooled considerably.

“We are not antagonistic to Israel, but we just decided we didn’t want any relations,” he said.

The comments suggest that Asmara currently has little interest in restoring a substantial Israeli diplomatic presence in Eritrea.

Red Sea Competition Intensifies

The dispute comes at a particularly sensitive moment for Red Sea security.

Fighting in Yemen has expanded toward the Bab el-Mandeb Strait after Houthi forces captured Mocha and advanced into strategically important areas near the shipping chokepoint.

The wider Bab el-Mandeb security crisis has increased the strategic importance of Eritrea and Djibouti, which sit directly opposite Yemen on the African side of the strait.

Eritrea has more than 1,000 kilometres of Red Sea coastline and controls territory and islands close to some of the world’s most important maritime routes.

Saleh separately told Middle East Eye that countries bordering the Red Sea should play a central role in determining how freedom of navigation is protected, while arguing that there is no military solution to the conflict in Yemen.

The latest comments therefore extend beyond Eritrea’s bilateral relationship with the UAE. They reflect Asmara’s broader concern about increasing competition among regional and international powers for ports, military access and influence along the Red Sea and Horn of Africa coastline.

With Ethiopia seeking greater maritime access, Gulf states expanding their port networks and the Bab el-Mandeb conflict intensifying, Eritrea accuses UAE of port imperialism at a time when control and access around the Red Sea are becoming increasingly important regional security issues.

Eritrea Accuses Ethiopia of Destabilizing Horn and Supporting Sudan’s RSF

Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of destabilizing the Horn of Africa and supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces. The allegations mark a new escalation in tensions between Addis Ababa and Asmara.

Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of destabilizing the Horn of Africa and supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces, widening an increasingly hostile dispute between the two neighboring governments.

Eritrea’s Foreign Ministry said on Saturday, September 12, that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party government was “actively destabilising the Horn of Africa,” according to an AFP report updated at 16:20.

The latest accusations come as Ethiopia-Eritrea relations remain tense over Red Sea access, security concerns and unresolved regional disputes. Earlier this year, Ethiopia formally accused Eritrea of aggression and demanded the withdrawal of Eritrean troops while proposing negotiations over Red Sea access.

The new Eritrean statement goes further by directly linking Ethiopia to the war in neighboring Sudan.

Eritrea Accuses Ethiopia of Supporting Sudan’s RSF

Eritrea alleged that Ethiopia is “harboring, supporting and actively encouraging” Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces, according to AFP.

The RSF has been fighting the Sudanese Armed Forces since April 2023 in a conflict that has devastated Sudan and increasingly affected neighboring countries.Read Political News

Eritrea did not publicly present independently verifiable evidence establishing Ethiopian support for the RSF in the statement cited by AFP. Ethiopia had not responded to AFP’s request for comment at the time the report was published.

The allegation should therefore be treated as an Eritrean government claim rather than an independently established fact.

The accusation is nevertheless important because Sudan’s war has become increasingly connected to broader Horn of Africa tensions, including military activity near Ethiopia’s western frontier and growing rivalry among regional governments.

Eritrean government commentary has made similar accusations before. In an August 18 article published by the Eritrean Ministry of Information, Asmara accused Ethiopia’s ruling Prosperity Party of supporting and hosting elements associated with the RSF.

Those claims have not been independently established.

Asmara Alleges Support for Eritrean Opposition Groups

Eritrea accuses Ethiopia not only of involvement in Sudan but also of supporting groups seeking political change inside Eritrea.

According to AFP, Eritrea said Addis Ababa has for more than three years escalated hostile rhetoric and allegedly “hosted, trained, and financed” organizations pursuing what Asmara described as a regime-change agenda.

Eritrean authorities have previously accused Ethiopia of supporting groups including the Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization and other Eritrean opposition movements.

Again, no independently verified evidence establishing those allegations was presented in the AFP report.

The rhetoric reflects the broader deterioration in relations between the two governments after several years of closer cooperation following their 2018 reconciliation.

Ethiopia-Eritrea Relations Continue to Deteriorate

Ethiopia and Eritrea restored diplomatic relations in 2018 after nearly two decades of hostility following their 1998-2000 border war.

Eritrean forces later fought alongside Ethiopia’s federal military during the 2020-2022 Tigray war.

Relations subsequently deteriorated, particularly after Eritrea was excluded from the November 2022 Pretoria Agreement that ended the main phase of the conflict between Ethiopia’s federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Tensions in Tigray have since become increasingly connected to relations between Addis Ababa and Asmara.

Recent political developments have included a TPLF realignment and growing concerns over relationships between Tigrayan political actors and Eritrea.Read Political News

Former Tigray interim leader Getachew Reda has also accused the TPLF leadership of moving toward renewed confrontation with the federal government and developing cooperation with Eritrea, allegations covered in earlier Kulu Media reporting.

Red Sea Dispute Remains Central

Another major source of tension is Ethiopia’s push for more secure access to the Red Sea.

Landlocked Ethiopia has repeatedly described maritime access as strategically important for its economy and long-term national interests.

Eritrea has responded strongly to suggestions involving the port of Assab, arguing that its sovereignty and territorial integrity are non-negotiable.

The Eritrean government has repeatedly accused Ethiopia’s ruling party of advancing what it describes as expansionist policies toward the Red Sea.

Ethiopia, meanwhile, has publicly said it seeks peaceful negotiations over maritime access and has rejected claims that it intends to seize Eritrean territory by force.

Sudan, Tigray and Eritrea Disputes Increasingly Intersect

The fact that Eritrea accuses Ethiopia of both threatening Eritrean security and supporting one of Sudan’s main warring parties shows how several regional disputes are increasingly overlapping.

Sudan’s war is affecting areas close to Ethiopia’s western border, while tensions involving Tigray and Eritrea continue in the north.Stream History Documentaries

At the same time, disputes over Red Sea access are adding another strategic dimension to the relationship between Addis Ababa and Asmara.

For now, Eritrea’s claims about Ethiopian support for the RSF and Eritrean opposition groups remain allegations requiring independent verification.

But the increasingly direct language from Asmara represents another deterioration in Ethiopia-Eritrea relations and raises concern that conflicts involving Sudan, Tigray and the wider Horn of Africa could become more closely connected.

BRICS Leaders Call for Immediate Sudan Ceasefire, Warn of Extremism Proliferation

13 September 2026

September 13, 2026 (NEW DELHI) – Leaders of the BRICS group of nations called on Sunday for an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Sudan, urging a peaceful settlement through dialogue while warning of the growing risk of the proliferation of extremism and terrorism.

The joint statement came in the “New Delhi Declaration 2026,” adopted during the bloc’s 18th summit in the Indian capital over the weekend.

“We express grave concern over the deteriorating situation in Sudan, including the worsening humanitarian crisis and the growing risk of proliferation of extremism and terrorism,” the leaders said in the declaration. “We reiterate our positions in this regard and call for an immediate, permanent ceasefire and for a peaceful resolution of the conflict through dialogue.”

The bloc—founded by Brazil, Russia, India, and China, and later joined by South Africa—expanded in recent years to include Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the United Arab Emirates, among others.

The summit declaration stressed the need for sustained, urgent, and unhindered humanitarian access to civilians trapped in the fighting, and urged the international community to scale up aid to Sudan and neighbouring host nations.

The leaders also reiterated that the principle of “African solutions to African problems” should continue to serve as the foundation for peace, calling for a coordinated approach among mediation initiatives.

On the sidelines of the summit, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi met South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, saying that Sudan’s security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity remain a “red line” for Egypt.

The summit drew several leaders, including Russian President Vladimir Putin, Chinese President Xi Jinping, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.

Several prominent BRICS members, including Egypt, Russia, China, and Iran, maintain close relations with the Sudanese military-led authorities.

Sudan Army Will Push for Burhan to Stay in Power, Senior General Says

13 September 2026

Lieutenant General Yasir al-Atta

September 13, 2026 (KHARTOUM) – Sudan’s armed forces will push for Sovereign Council head and military chief General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan to remain head of state for several electoral cycles, a senior general said on Sunday, citing the need to prevent state collapse.

Lieutenant General Yasir al-Atta, a member of the ruling Sovereign Council and assistant commander-in-chief, told Egyptian newspaper Al-Shorouk that the military would insist on Burhan leading the country while political parties are rebuilt.

“We fear for our country’s collapse, and we fear for the entity of the state,” Atta said. “We will compel Burhan to stay in power as head of state for several terms until we are able to strengthen and support our political parties to become national parties.”

Burhan has chaired Sudan’s transitional Sovereign Council since August 2019, following a power-sharing accord between the military and civilian groups after the overthrow of longtime ruler Omer al-Bashir.

Since the war erupted between the army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces in April 2023, Burhan has continued to lead the council, setting up an administrative base in the Red Sea city of Port Sudan.

Atta said the military command is considering several plans for the post-war phase.

One proposal involves the army chief serving as head of state during the first post-war election cycle while winning parties run the cabinet. The commander would then retire from military service to contest subsequent elections as a civilian.

Atta added that his personal view was that the army chief, regardless of who holds the post, should serve as head of state while parliamentary elections determine a civilian government with full executive powers.

He rejected suggestions that the military opposes democracy, arguing that democracy is defined by elections and pointing out that the administration in Port Sudan currently includes a civilian prime minister.

“When I reach retirement age, I will be a civilian, so will the law prevent me from holding any governance position?” Atta said.

Atta criticized calls for a transition to an immediate civilian-led administration, saying the military does not wish to run day-to-day governance, but views the armed forces chief serving as head of state as necessary for the next three to four electoral cycles.

His comments follow recent calls from some political figures for Burhan to run for president, as independent figures launch a “Sudanese-Sudanese” dialogue initiative to discuss the country’s political future.

Burhan has publicly dismissed proposals that he run for office, saying the military’s sole focus remains driving the RSF out of occupied territories and ending the war.

Sudan War: Explosions Heard Across Blue Nile Capital Ed Damazin as Drones Strafe City

14/09/2026 10:37 ED DAMAZIN

Screenshot from a video circulated by activists on social media shows flames illuminating the sky over Ed Damazin following the drone attack on the city on Sunday night.

Explosions were heard in several parts of Ed Damazin, the capital of Sudan’s Blue Nile state, on Sunday night after what sources described as a drone attack on the city. The attack was reportedly carried out using drones by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N), which controls parts of the state, including Kurmuk and Geissan.

Videos shared by activists on social media appear to show flames lighting up the night sky over Ed Damazin, accompanied by powerful explosions.

Sources in the city said explosions were heard in the direction of the military hospital and the airport. One of the drones was also reported to have fallen at a fuel station.

Earlier on Sunday, the Sudanese Armed Forces claimed its air defences had shot down a drone that was attempting to target army positions in the Balang area. اقتصادالسودان

The Blue Nile Civil Society Initiative strongly condemned what it described as attacks on civilian sites and facilities in Ed Damazin, including fuel stations, saying they had terrorised residents and put their lives and property at risk.

In a statement issued on Sunday night, the initiative held the RSF and the SPLM-N responsible for the attacks, stressing that civilians and essential service facilities must not be targets of war under any circumstances.

It said the people of Blue Nile had been exhausted by the conflict and could not endure more bloodshed, fear, and suffering.

“The solution is not bombing or terrorising civilians, but ending the war and protecting people,” the statement said.

The initiative called for an immediate and unconditional ceasefire, the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure, and the opening of humanitarian corridors. It also urged the international community to document the alleged violations and hold those responsible to account without discrimination.

WFP Director Warns Sudan Aid Cuts Could Intensify World’s Worst Hunger Crisis

14/09/2026 19:57

Carl Skau, Acting Executive Director of the World Food Programme (WFP), meets displaced women during his visit to Sudan (Photo: WFP)

UN food agency says it may be forced to scale back within weeks as war, displacement and drought leave millions facing acute hunger…

The UN World Food Programme (WFP) has warned that it could be forced to cut food assistance in Sudan within weeks, potentially deepening what the UN agency describes as the world’s largest hunger crisis.

In a statement to reporters today following an eight-day visit to Sudan, the WFP’s acting executive director, Carl Skau, says the agency has the capacity to reach millions of people caught between war, displacement and worsening drought – but is running out of money.

Sudan is home to 20 million people facing acute hunger. The war has displaced about 14 million people overall, including roughly nine million who remain uprooted within Sudan, according to recent UN estimates. About five million people are experiencing emergency levels of hunger, while an estimated 200,000 are facing catastrophic levels of starvation.

“We now have the capacity, we have the presence, but we are not fully using that space because of the lack of funding,” Skau says.

‘In the next few weeks, the risk is that we will have to scale back even further…’

The warning comes as the geography of the conflict shifts. While Darfur was the epicentre of fighting a year ago, violence is now intensifying in Kordofan and Blue Nile, creating new waves of displacement while millions uprooted during earlier stages of the war remain unable to return home.

Skau says he met people who were displaced when the war began three years ago, as well as others who fled their homes on the very day they spoke to him. Some walked for four or five days after their villages were destroyed.

He describes meeting women struggling to find water and a former university student now living in a camp, unable to find work after losing family members and watching her parents’ health deteriorate.

Delivering aid across a country divided by conflict has become slower, more expensive and more dangerous. A journey from El Obeid to El Fasher that took about six hours before the war required three days during Skau’s visit, involving several flights and a 30-hour drive through the Jebel Marra mountains.

A WFP convoy in Kordofan was hit only two weeks before Skau’s remarks. Yet the agency continues to reach between four million and five million people each month, including up to 2.5 million in some of Sudan’s hardest-to-reach areas.

The scale of Sudan’s devastation was stark in El Fasher, the Darfur city that endured an 18-month siege and famine. Once home to about a million people, it is now inhabited by only a few tens of thousands.

Skau describes streets of bullet-riddled homes and burned-out cars, with almost no economic activity and barely functioning markets. Some people had returned not because their homes remained habitable, but because they had found little to sustain them elsewhere.

The largest gathering of people he saw in the city was at a WFP food distribution. The agency is reaching about 20,000 people in El Fasher, providing what Skau says is effectively the only assistance available to those who remain.

Outside the city, the destroyed Zamzam camp has become a ghost town. From there, the road to Tawila follows the route through which hundreds of thousands fled the violence around El Fasher, an exodus during which widespread atrocities were reported.

Tawila has since become one of the most striking symbols of Sudan’s displacement crisis. Its population has risen from about 700,000 when Skau visited in April to close to 1 million.

The WFP now reaches about 950,000 people there every month, but can provide only half-rations – enough food for about two weeks. Many households are headed by women who have lost husbands or sons and are struggling to make the supplies last.

The camp’s rapid expansion has also left enormous gaps in shelter, healthcare and education.

‘It’s just a massive city now of one million people without the basics…’

Darfur’s crisis is being compounded by drought. Skau says the region has not been this dry since 1984, despite the fact that Sudan is in its rainy season. Communities fear the drought could damage agricultural production and livestock, depriving families of one of their few remaining means of survival just as humanitarian food assistance faces cuts.

The pressure is also growing in Kordofan. In El Obeid, a city whose population has roughly doubled during the war, displaced people continue to arrive from across the country. Camps and host communities are severely overstretched.

Skau describes meeting women who reached the city after walking for five days from areas of West and South Kordofan where their homes and villages had been destroyed.

Funding shortages are forcing the WFP into increasingly painful choices. Newly displaced people are being prioritised, while assistance is being reduced or withdrawn from people who fled their homes years ago but remain unable to work or return.

The convergence of crises is making Sudan’s future increasingly uncertain. Conflict continues to drive displacement and disrupt markets and trade, while maritime disruption around Bab el-Mandeb and Hormuz is affecting a country dependent on Red Sea ports. Climate shocks are now threatening agricultural production.

For Skau, these pressures cannot be treated separately. They are converging on a population already exhausted by years of war.

His principal appeal is for a political effort to end the conflict, particularly as world leaders prepare to gather for the UN General Assembly’s high-level week.

But until that happens, he says, civilians must at least be protected and provided with the basic means of survival.

The international community failed to prevent atrocities in El Fasher and has not done enough for the displaced people who ended up in camps, he says. There is now a danger of repeating those failures as violence spreads through Kordofan and Blue Nile.

‘We cannot keep failing these people….

“We cannot keep failing these people,” Skau says.

The WFP and other UN agencies have the operational capacity to reach millions in need. What they lack, Skau argues, is sufficient funding to sustain their work.

For millions of Sudanese families facing hunger, displacement and an uncertain future, the question is becoming increasingly urgent: whether the world will act before humanitarian agencies are forced to cut back.

The answer, Skau suggests, could determine whether an already catastrophic crisis is allowed to deteriorate still further.